When I heard that Cuba had “elected” Raul as Cuba’s second President in 49 years, I had a similar reaction to that of thousands of Cuban-Americans – a golden opportunity for progress was not only missed, but deliberately crushed. Rather than signaling to the world that Cuba was ready for change, even if slow change, Cuba’s leaders continued to communicate a message of defiance and stubbornness rooted in ego and fear. Basically, we will not change, we will not consider the plight of our citizenry, and we will not give up power.
However, I believe there is a glimmer of hope in this dark cloud. There is an opportunity for the world at large, but particularly the US, to leverage Cuba’s immediate economic need to fast-forward Cuba’s transition to democracy.
As has been written about extensively, Cuba’s economy is in a desperate situation, maintained just above the implosion point by heavy subsidies from Venezuela (the new Soviet Union). Even Raul has recognized Cuba’s dire straights and has encouraged dialogue on how to improve productivity in Cuba, in the hopes of raising economic performance. As with all dictators, more concerned with maintaining power than with any ideology, it is almost certain that Raul will once again experiment with local and small-scale entrepreneurship and capitalism to try and revive the economy (as was done in the 90’s). In his need to revive the Cuban economy lays the opportunity.
The US should be willing to provide targeted and well controlled economic incentives IN EXCHANGE FOR specific and difficult to reverse political/humanitarian commitments by Cuba’s elite. For example, the US may allow agricultural products to be sold on credit to the regime (helping to feed a hungry populace) if the government allows Cuban farmers to control pricing and production of their products. Provide computer programming classes to university students (helping to educate the population in non-political areas) if the government allows unfettered access to the internet. Allow increased visitation by Cuban-Americans (providing hard currency) if Cubans are allowed to buy the staples of daily life with the Cuban Peso rather than a foreign currency. Revise portions of the embargo facilitating investment in Cuba (improving the economy), if Cubans are allowed to visit the same ritzy resorts as foreign tourists. These small changes would not topple the regime overnight, but they will increase the pace of change, increase the confidence of those Cuban leaders secretly hoping for change, and provide the Cuban people with a reminder of what they lost in 1959. Should the reforms stop or be reversed, all assistance should also immediately be stopped and reversed.
This is not a proscriptive list, just an example of what is possible. This is an opportune time to provide assistance to the Cuban people while simultaneously extracting a price from the Cuban government. Raul Castro should continuously be put on the defensive: why does he reject assistance that would immediately and directly benefit his citizens? Why does he oppose changes that are opposed by all but the most isolated regimes?
In essence, he should be enticed to make changes that steadily increase the power of the populace vis-à-vis the government or he should continuously and remorselessly be made to answer why.
However, I believe there is a glimmer of hope in this dark cloud. There is an opportunity for the world at large, but particularly the US, to leverage Cuba’s immediate economic need to fast-forward Cuba’s transition to democracy.
As has been written about extensively, Cuba’s economy is in a desperate situation, maintained just above the implosion point by heavy subsidies from Venezuela (the new Soviet Union). Even Raul has recognized Cuba’s dire straights and has encouraged dialogue on how to improve productivity in Cuba, in the hopes of raising economic performance. As with all dictators, more concerned with maintaining power than with any ideology, it is almost certain that Raul will once again experiment with local and small-scale entrepreneurship and capitalism to try and revive the economy (as was done in the 90’s). In his need to revive the Cuban economy lays the opportunity.
The US should be willing to provide targeted and well controlled economic incentives IN EXCHANGE FOR specific and difficult to reverse political/humanitarian commitments by Cuba’s elite. For example, the US may allow agricultural products to be sold on credit to the regime (helping to feed a hungry populace) if the government allows Cuban farmers to control pricing and production of their products. Provide computer programming classes to university students (helping to educate the population in non-political areas) if the government allows unfettered access to the internet. Allow increased visitation by Cuban-Americans (providing hard currency) if Cubans are allowed to buy the staples of daily life with the Cuban Peso rather than a foreign currency. Revise portions of the embargo facilitating investment in Cuba (improving the economy), if Cubans are allowed to visit the same ritzy resorts as foreign tourists. These small changes would not topple the regime overnight, but they will increase the pace of change, increase the confidence of those Cuban leaders secretly hoping for change, and provide the Cuban people with a reminder of what they lost in 1959. Should the reforms stop or be reversed, all assistance should also immediately be stopped and reversed.
This is not a proscriptive list, just an example of what is possible. This is an opportune time to provide assistance to the Cuban people while simultaneously extracting a price from the Cuban government. Raul Castro should continuously be put on the defensive: why does he reject assistance that would immediately and directly benefit his citizens? Why does he oppose changes that are opposed by all but the most isolated regimes?
In essence, he should be enticed to make changes that steadily increase the power of the populace vis-à-vis the government or he should continuously and remorselessly be made to answer why.







